Source

Edwards et al., LIT-1480, read in full in NOTE-1121 from the version of record posted on the Yale CANLab site: pp. 509–513 and 517–519, with Tables 2–4.

What was actually shown

  • Urges (p. 513; Table 4). Homework completion with change in suicide urges r = .35 and in substance-use urges r = .36 (.37 in the table); with alcohol urges r = .25, p = .06. Coaching calls with change in self-harm urges r = .31. The other pairings were not significant.
  • Behaviour (p. 513). “Regarding frequency of engagement in target behaviours, results reflected no significant associations.”
  • Month 4 (p. 513). Patients with no target behaviour (27) against those with one or more (27), controlling for attendance: homework 91.3% against 79.8% (p = .02); coaching calls 6.00 against 3.85 (p = .096).

What could have come out otherwise: homework and coaching could have been unrelated to change, as attendance was.

What this does not say

  • That homework or coaching causes the change. Correlational; reverse order and confounding by motivation or functioning cannot be excluded (p. 518).
  • That they change behaviour. No association with behaviour frequency; the one behavioural difference is homework and any behaviour in month 4.
  • That generalization is the mechanism. No measure of skill use between sessions.
  • That it holds for all completers. 28 of 88 were dropped for missing diary data.
  • That the result survives correction. None was applied (p. 519).

Connections

  • CLAIM-443. The claim’s DBT example has practice change which process is recruited. This is evidence that practice and outcome go together, weakly, and says nothing about what practice changed or what it costs.
  • CLAIM-349. Its note of 2026-10-23 separates knowing a skill from deploying it under pressure. Phone coaching is deployment supported from outside at the moment of need, and its association is with falling self-harm urges only.